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Sahra Wagenknecht and Alice Weidel are two alpha females of German politics: populist leaders whose parties – taken together – now attract nearly 30 per cent support in opinion polls.
A year before Germany’s next scheduled federal election, speculation that their parties might eventually join forces meant the two women’s first direct televised debate sparked curiosity about whether there is more that unites than divides the two women.
Weidel is the 45-year-old co-leader of the right-wing nationalist Alternative for Germany (AfD) which began life as an anti-bailout party and now embraces xenophobic anti-migration and pro-Russian policies. It topped the poll in Thuringia last month, and finished second in two other polls last September, while, at national level, it enjoys 17-20 per cent support.
Ten years Weidel’s senior, Sahra Wagenknecht spent three decades as an MP in various iterations of post-communist leftist parties. She now heads an eponymous left-conservative alliance (BSW) that took 12-16 per cent in regional elections and is polling 8-10 per cent nationally. Its most prominent demand is an end to Germany’s “own-goal” energy sanctions on Russia that have seen an energy cost spike, and a tougher line towards Kyiv.
“Ukraine will not be able to win this war, we have to negotiate,” said Wagenknecht, criticising as “a bit cheap” claims from Weidel that “these are AfD positions that we have been putting forward from the very beginning”.
Both agreed in their debate that Germany should not deliver weapons to Israel, with the BSW leader demanding a ceasefire and renewed push for a two-state solution. “You cannot eradicate terrorism by using terror yourself,” said Wagenknecht.
Migration was the major issue of the debate. The BSW leader agrees with the AfD on more restrictive immigration policies but, by contrast, suggests well-integrated Syrians and other refugees should be allowed stay.
By contrast, last month’s election campaign in Thuringia saw the AfD’s state leader Björn Höcke, an influential and extremist figure in the party, promise the “remigration” of millions of immigrants and non-ethnic German citizens. “That makes me sick, you can’t stir up resentment in this way, it’s inhumane,” said Wagenknecht.
Pressed by the moderator on what the AfD means by the term “remigration”, Weidel adopted a less radical definition than Höcke. “It means law enforcement in our country,” she said, insisting that anyone without a residence permit or who commits crimes must leave.
Each woman accused the other of being a “useful idiot” for others’ political ambitions.
Seven years ago Weidel tried to have Höcke expelled from her party for his extremist views. Given that, Wagenknecht told her AfD rival it was “problematic that at some point you stopped fighting these people and now you allow yourselves to be used by Höcke”.
Hitting back Weidel pointed out that Wagenknecht was once a member of East Germany’s ruling party and a member of the successor party’s “communist platform” that admired rulers of Cuba and Venezuela. “That’s complete nonsense,” retorted Wagenknecht. “Judge me on what I stand for today.”
What Wagenknecht stands for today, the AfD co-leader argued, was as a pseudo-radical “place holder” for established German parties.
While the AfD has no political allies at state or federal level, the BSW is engaged in talks to join – or support – several eastern regional governments.
“The people in this country want political change but no political change will be possible with you,” said Weidel to the BSW leader.
Pressed on her political ambitions Wagenknecht left the door ajar to the AfD. She would not back the party in its present form because she “wants to prevent people like Höcke getting into power”.